1. The destruction of the enemy's military force, is the leading
principle of War, and for the whole chapter of positive action the
direct way to the object.

2. This destruction of the enemy's force, must be principally effected
by means of battle.

3. Only great and general battles can produce great results.

4. The results will be greatest when combats unite themselves in one
great battle.

5. It is only in a great battle that the General-in-Chief commands in
person, and it is in the nature of things, that he should place more
confidence in himself than in his subordinates.

From these truths a double law follows, the parts of which mutually
support each other; namely, that the destruction of the enemy's military
force is to be sought for principally by great battles, and their
results; and that the chief object of great battles must be the
destruction of the enemy's military force.

No doubt the annihilation-principle is to be found more or less in
other means--granted there are instances in which through favourable
circumstances in a minor combat, the destruction of the enemy's forces
has been disproportionately great (Maxen), and on the other hand in
a battle, the taking or holding a single post may be predominant in
importance as an object--but as a general rule it remains a paramount
truth, that battles are only fought with a view to the destruction of
the enemy's Army, and that this destruction can only be effected by
their means.

The battle may therefore be regarded as War concentrated, as the centre
of effort of the whole War or campaign. As the sun's rays unite in the
focus of the concave mirror in a perfect image, and in the fulness of
their heat; to the forces and circumstances of War, unite in a focus in
the great battle for one concentrated utmost effort.

The very assemblage of forces in one great whole, which takes place more
or less in all Wars, indicates an intention to strike a decisive blow
with this whole, either voluntarily as assailant, or constrained by the
opposite party as defender. When this great blow does not follow, then
some modifying, and retarding motives have attached themselves to the
original motive of hostility, and have weakened, altered or completely
checked the movement. But also, even in this condition of mutual
inaction which has been the key-note in so many Wars, the idea of a
possible battle serves always for both parties as a point of direction,
a distant focus in the construction of their plans. The more War is
War in earnest, the more it is a venting of animosity and hostility, a
mutual struggle to overpower, so much the more will all activities join
deadly contest, and also the more prominent in importance becomes the
battle.

In general, when the object aimed at is of a great and positive nature,
one therefore in which the interests of the enemy are deeply concerned,
the battle offers itself as the most natural means; it is, therefore,
also the best as we shall show more plainly hereafter: and, as a rule,
when it is evaded from aversion to the great decision, punishment
follows.

The positive object belong to the offensive, and therefore the battle is
also more particularly his means. But without examining the conception
of offensive and defensive more minutely here, we must still observe
that, even for the defender in most cases, there is no other effectual
means with which to meet the exigencies of his situation, to solve the
problem presented to him.

The battle is the bloodiest way of solution. True, it is not merely
reciprocal slaughter, and its effect is more a killing of the enemy's
courage than of the enemy's soldiers, as we shall see more plainly in
the next chapter--but still blood is always its price, and slaughter its
character as well as name;(*) from this the humanity in the General's
mind recoils with horror.

(*) "Schlacht", from schlachten = to slaughter.

But the soul of the man trembles still more at the thought of the
decision to be given with one single blow. IN ONE POINT of space and
time all action is here pressed together, and at such a moment there is
stirred up within us a dim feeling as if in this narrow space all our
forces could not develop themselves and come into activity, as if we had
already gained much by mere time, although this time owes us nothing at
all. This is all mere illusion, but even as illusion it is something,
and the same weakness which seizes upon the man in every other
momentous decision may well be felt more powerfully by the General, when
he must stake interests of such enormous weight upon one venture.

Thus, then, Statesmen and Generals have at all times endeavoured to
avoid the decisive battle, seeking either to attain their aim without
it, or dropping that aim unperceived. Writers on history and theory
have then busied themselves to discover in some other feature in these
campaigns not only an equivalent for the decision by battle which has
been avoided, but even a higher art. In this way, in the present age, it
came very near to this, that a battle in the economy of War was looked
upon as an evil, rendered necessary through some error committed, a
morbid paroxysm to which a regular prudent system of War would never
lead: only those Generals were to deserve laurels who knew how to carry
on War without spilling blood, and the theory of War--a real business
for Brahmins--was to be specially directed to teaching this.

Contemporary history has destroyed this illusion,(*) but no one can
guarantee that it will not sooner or later reproduce itself, and
lead those at the head of affairs to perversities which please man's
weakness, and therefore have the greater affinity for his nature.
Perhaps, by-and-by, Buonaparte's campaigns and battles will be looked
upon as mere acts of barbarism and stupidity, and we shall once more
turn with satisfaction and confidence to the dress-sword of obsolete and
musty institutions and forms. If theory gives a caution against this,
then it renders a real service to those who listen to its warning voice.
MAY WE SUCCEED IN LENDING A HAND TO THOSE WHO IN OUR DEAR NATIVE LAND
ARE CALLED UPON TO SPEAK WITH AUTHORITY ON THESE MATTERS, THAT WE MAY BE
THEIR GUIDE INTO THIS FIELD OF INQUIRY, AND EXCITE THEM TO MAKE A CANDID
EXAMINATION OF THE SUBJECT.(**)

(*) On the Continent only, it still preserves full vitality
in the minds of British politicians and pressmen.--EDITOR.

(**) This prayer was abundantly granted--vide the German
victories of 1870.--EDITOR.

Not only the conception of War but experience also leads us to look
for a great decision only in a great battle. From time immemorial, only
great victories have led to great successes on the offensive side in
the absolute form, on the defensive side in a manner more or less
satisfactory. Even Buonaparte would not have seen the day of Ulm, unique
in its kind, if he had shrunk from shedding blood; it is rather to
be regarded as only a second crop from the victorious events in his
preceding campaigns. It is not only bold, rash, and presumptuous
Generals who have sought to complete their work by the great venture
of a decisive battle, but also fortunate ones as well; and we may
rest satisfied with the answer which they have thus given to this vast
question.

Let us not hear of Generals who conquer without bloodshed. If a bloody
slaughter is a horrible sight, then that is a ground for paying more
respect to War, but not for making the sword we wear blunter and blunter
by degrees from feelings of humanity, until some one steps in with one
that is sharp and lops off the arm from our body.

We look upon a great battle as a principal decision, but certainly not
as the only one necessary for a War or a campaign. Instances of a great
battle deciding a whole campaign, have been frequent only in modern
times, those which have decided a whole War, belong to the class of rare
exceptions.

A decision which is brought about by a great battle depends naturally
not on the battle itself, that is on the mass of combatants engaged in
it, and on the intensity of the victory, but also on a number of other
relations between the military forces opposed to each other, and between
the States to which these forces belong. But at the same time that the
principal mass of the force available is brought to the great duel, a
great decision is also brought on, the extent of which may perhaps be
foreseen in many respects, though not in all, and which although not the
only one, still is the FIRST decision, and as such, has an influence
on those which succeed. Therefore a deliberately planned great battle,
according to its relations, is more or less, but always in some degree,
to be regarded as the leading means and central point of the whole
system. The more a General takes the field in the true spirit of War
as well as of every contest, with the feeling and the idea, that is the
conviction, that he must and will conquer, the more he will strive to
throw every weight into the scale in the first battle, hope and strive
to win everything by it. Buonaparte hardly ever entered upon a War
without thinking of conquering his enemy at once in the first battle,(*)
and Frederick the Great, although in a more limited sphere, and with
interests of less magnitude at stake, thought the same when, at the head
of a small Army, he sought to disengage his rear from the Russians or
the Federal Imperial Army.

(*) This was Moltke's essential idea in his preparations for
the War of 1870. See his secret memorandum issued to G.O.C.s
on May 7. 1870, pointing to a battle on the Upper Saar as
his primary purpose.--EDITOR.

The decision which is given by the great battle, depends, we have said,
partly on the battle itself, that is on the number of troops engaged,
and partly on the magnitude of the success.

How the General may increase its importance in respect to the first
point is evident in itself and we shall merely observe that according
to the importance of the great battle, the number of cases which are
decided along with it increases, and that therefore Generals who,
confident in themselves have been lovers of great decisions, have always
managed to make use of the greater part of their troops in it without
neglecting on that account essential points elsewhere.

As regards the consequences or speaking more correctly the effectiveness
of a victory, that depends chiefly on four points:

1. On the tactical form adopted as the order of battle.

2. On the nature of the country.

3. On the relative proportions of the three arms.

4. On the relative strength of the two Armies.

A battle with parallel fronts and without any action against a flank
will seldom yield as great success as one in which the defeated Army has
been turned, or compelled to change front more or less. In a broken or
hilly country the successes are likewise smaller, because the power of
the blow is everywhere less.

If the cavalry of the vanquished is equal or superior to that of the
victor, then the effects of the pursuit are diminished, and by that
great part of the results of victory are lost.

Finally it is easy to understand that if superior numbers are on the
side of the conqueror, and he uses his advantage in that respect to
turn the flank of his adversary, or compel him to change front, greater
results will follow than if the conqueror had been weaker in numbers
than the vanquished. The battle of Leuthen may certainly be quoted as a
practical refutation of this principle, but we beg permission for once
to say what we otherwise do not like, NO RULE WITHOUT AN EXCEPTION.

In all these ways, therefore, the Commander has the means of giving his
battle a decisive character; certainly he thus exposes himself to an
increased amount of danger, but his whole line of action is subject to
that dynamic law of the moral world.

There is then nothing in War which can be put in comparison with the
great battle in point of importance, AND THE ACME OF STRATEGIC ABILITY
IS DISPLAYED IN THE PROVISION OF MEANS FOR THIS GREAT EVENT, IN THE
SKILFUL DETERMINATION OF PLACE AND TIME, AND DIRECTION OF TROOPS, AND
ITS THE GOOD USE MADE OF SUCCESS.

But it does not follow from the importance of these things that they
must be of a very complicated and recondite nature; all is here rather
simple, the art of combination by no means great; but there is great
need of quickness in judging of circumstances, need of energy, steady
resolution, a youthful spirit of enterprise--heroic qualities, to which
we shall often have to refer. There is, therefore, but little wanted
here of that which can be taught by books and there is much that, if it
can be taught at all, must come to the General through some other medium
than printer's type.

The impulse towards a great battle, the voluntary, sure progress to it,
must proceed from a feeling of innate power and a clear sense of the
necessity; in other words, it must proceed from inborn courage and from
perceptions sharpened by contact with the higher interests of life.

Great examples are the best teachers, but it is certainly a misfortune
if a cloud of theoretical prejudices comes between, for even the sunbeam
is refracted and tinted by the clouds. To destroy such prejudices, which
many a time rise and spread themselves like a miasma, is an imperative
duty of theory, for the misbegotten offspring of human reason can also
be in turn destroyed by pure reason.